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1. RÉGIMEN DE FRONTERA Y LA POLÍTICA DE SEPARACIÓN DE FAMILIAS: RACIALIZACIÓN Y CASTIGO DE LA MIGRACIÓN FORZADA TRAVÉS DE LOS CUERPOS INFANTILES in #Jóvenes y migración El reto de converger: Agendas de investigación, políticas y participación.

   Glockner, Valentina ( November 2020 , Universidad Autonoma de Mexico (UNAM))

   VALDEZ, MÓNICA ; NARVÁEZ, JUAN (Ed.)

   This chapter develops the argument that the “zero tolerance” immigration policy, also known as “family separation” policy, implemented by President Trump in 2018, has functioned as a border and borderization regime, and that this has made management and the punishment of children and adolescents a mechanism for disincentivizing, controlling and punishing migrant populations. It is proposed that, when analyzing the rationales and technologies that this immigration policy applied to children and adolescents, what we discover is a “borderization regime” based on the criminalization of migration, the racialization of children’s bodies and the use of the concept of “innocence ” as a justification for the reinsertion of national borders and the values of a right-wing and supremacist political regime. This chapter seeks to establish a dialogue with studies on immigration detention, deprivation of liberty and immigration policy as State violence. 

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2. The International System After Trump and the Pandemic

   https://doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.822.3  

   Hicken, Allen ; Jones, Pauline ; Menon, Anil ( January 2021 , Current History)

   null (Ed.)

   The Trump administration sought to erode confidence in the international system, which it regarded as an affront to national sovereignty. The COVID-19 pandemic, by raising collective awareness of the need for global cooperation, may help to restore that confidence and encourage renewed commitment to multilateralism. Public opinion polls show that people around the world have greater confidence in global institutions like the World Health Organization than in national leaders like Donald Trump or Xi Jinping. The United States will continue to be an indispensable partner after Trump, but the international order will rest on a stronger footing if Washington is no longer expected to be the prime mover and contributes instead as one among equals. 

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3. Political Alienation and the Trump Vote in the 2016 and 2020 US Presidential Elections

   https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfad065  

   Allamong, Maxwell B. ( March 2024 , Public Opinion Quarterly)

   Following Donald Trump’s surprising victory in the 2016 US presidential election, some popular and scholarly sources suggested that Trump’s candidacy may have been bolstered, in part, by the mobilization of “politically alienated” voters. This argument is puzzling, however, as certain forms of political alienation are often negatively related to political participation, making it unclear whether or how alienation may have been related to turnout and to support for Trump at the ballot box. I shed light on this puzzle using data from the American National Election Studies, which contain measures of two dimensions of political alienation: inefficacy and cynicism. With these data I examine how either dimension relates to turnout and to vote choice in 2016 and in 2020. Cynicism emerges as a positive predictor of both turnout and the Trump vote in 2016, but not in 2020. Inefficacy, however, does not positively predict turnout or the Trump vote in either election. I offer a potential explanation for the diminished relationship between cynicism and mobilization in the 2020 elections by applying a Structural Topic Model to open-ended survey responses about Trump, which reveals a substantial decrease in the salience of Trump’s “political outsider” qualities during his reelection bid.

    

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4. Victim or Threat? Shipwrecks, Terrorist Attacks, and Asylum Decisions in France

   https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12829  

   Emeriau, Mathilde ( January 2024 , American Journal of Political Science)

   Tragic events such as terrorist attacks have been shown to influence voters’ policy preferences, but less is known about whether such events also affect actual immigration policy. In this study, I bring new evidence to this question by examining whether migrant shipwrecks and terrorist attacks affected asylum decisions in France during the refugee crisis of 2015–16. I find that asylum officers were more likely to approve an individual's refugee application if a shipwreck has recently been in the news than they are otherwise. Yet they were less likely to grant refugee status to asylum seekers from Syria and Iraq after a terrorist attack. Together, these findings suggest that tragic events can affect immigration policy through their influence on asylum officers.

    

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5. Making Innovation in the Mexican Silicon Valley: The Early Years of El Centro de Tecnología de Semiconductores (1981-2001)

   https://doi.org/10.1109/MAHC.2024.3391616  

   Uribe_del_Águila, Verónica ( January 2024 , IEEE Annals of the History of Computing)

   Hockenberry, Matthew ; Posner, MirIam (Ed.)

   "This article tells the early story of El Centro de Tecnología de Semiconductores (CTS) as a site of innovation. It argues that, along with economic and scientific development goals, CTS furthered political and geopolitical change agendas for IBM and Mexico. These included reorganizing labor around global supply chains and maintaining specific power dynamics between the Global North and South. Throughout the nineties, CTS was key in Mexico’s innovation project. It operated as a laboratory for business models built directly on computing supply chains and was an example of successful industry-academia alliances. However, not everyone in the cluster benefited from Mexico’s search for innovation. The country’s innovation policies involved the adoption of “outsourcing”—a flexible labor regime that remade labor in the cluster by weakening workers’ rights. In so doing, the article also explores the logistical dimension of the prototype and innovation." 

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