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Abstract Young children and adolescents in subsistence societies forage for a wide range of resources. They often target child‐specific foods, they can be very successful foragers, and they share their produce widely within and outside of their nuclear family. At the same time, while foraging, they face risky situations and are exposed to diseases that can influence their immune development. However, children's foraging has largely been explained in light of their future (adult) behavior. Here, we reinterpret findings from human behavioral ecology, evolutionary medicine and cultural evolution to center foraging children's contributions to life history evolution, community resilience and immune development. We highlight the need to foreground immediate alongside delayed benefits and costs of foraging, including inclusive fitness benefits, when discussing children's food production from an evolutionary perspective. We conclude by recommending that researchers carefully consider children's social and ecological context, develop cross‐cultural perspectives, and incorporate children's foraging into Indigenous sovereignty discourse. 

Women and girls cooperate with each other across many domains and at many scales. However, much of this information is buried in the ethnographic record and has been overlooked in theoretic constructions of the evolution of human sociality and cooperation. The assumed primacy of male bonding, hunting, patrilocality and philopatry has dominated the discussion of cooperation without balanced consideration. A closer look at the ethnographic record reveals that in addition to cooperative childcare and food production, women and girls collectively form coalitions, have their own cooperative political, ceremonial, economic and social institutions, and develop female-based exchange and support networks. The numerous ethnographic examples of female cooperation urge reconsideration of gender stereotypes and the limits of female cooperation. This review brings together theoretic, cross-cultural and cross-lifespan research on female cooperation to present a more even and empirically supported view of female sociality. Following the lead from trends in evolutionary biology and sexual selection theory, the hope going forward is that the focus shifts from rote characterizations of sex differences to highlighting sources of variation and conditions that enhance or constrain female cooperative engagement. This article is part of the theme issue ‘Cooperation among women: evolutionary and cross-cultural perspectives’. 

Little is known about the potential for reproductive conflict among hunter–gatherer populations, who are characterized by bilateral kinship ties, flexible residential mobility, and high offspring mortality. To assess the potential for reproductive conflict, we use longitudinal residence and reproductive history data for two bands of South American foragers. Using multilevel logistic regressions (N= 44 women,N= 712 person years), we examine how yearly measures of (i) camp composition, (ii) distribution of female kin and (iii) a woman's position in a female kinship network impact the likelihood of giving birth or experiencing a child's death. We compare conflict models to a demographic model that accounts for the proportion of women giving birth in a given year. Contrary to conflict models, results show that the odds of giving birth increase with the presence of highly related women. However, the odds of experiencing an offspring death are insensitive to the presence of coresident women. Network measures of closeness and centrality in the female kin network also show no significant effect on reproductive outcomes. Furthermore, chances of both births and deaths increase in years when proportionally more women are giving birth. We argue that demographic stochasticity relating to ecological conditions best predicts reproductive outcomes for women. This article is part of the theme issue ‘Cooperation among women: evolutionary and cross-cultural perspectives’. 

Abstract ObjectivesThe extreme condition that we address in this special issue is how people adapt to rapid change, which in this case study is instigated by globalization and the process of market integration. Although market integration has been underway for centuries in some parts of the world, it often occurs precipitously in small‐scale societies, initiating an abrupt break with traditional ways of life and fostering a keen sense of uncertainty. MethodsUsing cross sections from 30‐years of data collected in a Yucatec Maya subsistence farming community, we test the expectation that when payoffs to pursue new livelihood and reproductive options are uncertain, variance in social, economic, and reproductive traits will increase in the population. Our data span the transition from subsistence farming to a mixed economy, and bridge the transition from natural to contracepting fertility. Exposure to globalizing and market forces occurred when a paved road was built in the early 2000s. ResultsWe find that livelihood traits (a household's primary economic strategy, amount of land under cultivation, amount of maize and honey sold), become more variable as new, but uncertain options become available. Variance in levels of education and family size likewise immediately increase following the road, but show signs of settling back down a decade later. Rather than replacing one way of life with another, Maya farmers conservatively adopt some new elements (family planning, wage labor), until the tradeoffs to commit to smaller families and the labor market become clearer. ConclusionOur findings highlight that in rapidly changing environments when the payoffs to assimilate new options are uncertain, some households and individuals intensify what they know best, while others adopt new opportunities, driving variance up in the population. 

A holistic, evolutionary framework about human cooperation must incorporate information about women's cooperative behaviour. Yet, most empirical research on human cooperation has centered on men's behaviour or been derived from experimental studies conducted in western, industrialized populations. These bodies of data are unlikely to accurately represent human behavioural diversity. To address this gap and provide a more balanced view of human cooperation, this issue presents substantial new data and multi-disciplinary perspectives to document the complexity of women's cooperative behaviour. Research in this issue 1) challenges narratives about universal gender differences in cooperation, 2) reconsiders patrilocality and access to kin as constraints on women's cooperation, 3) reviews evidence for a connection between social support and women's health and 4) examines the phylogenetic roots of female cooperation. Here, we discuss the steps taken in this issue toward a more complete and evidence-based understanding of the role that cooperation plays in women's and girls' lives and in building human sociality. This article is part of the theme issue ‘Cooperation among women: evolutionary and cross-cultural perspectives’. 

Abstract Background and objectivesGood sleep quality, associated with few arousals, no daytime sleepiness and self-satisfaction with one’s sleep, is pivotal for adolescent growth, maturation, cognition and overall health. This article aims to identify what ecological factors impact adolescent sleep quality across three distinct sleep ecologies representing a gradient of dense urbanity to small, rural environments with scarce artificial lighting and no Internet. MethodologyWe analyze variation of sleep efficiency, a quantitative measure of sleep quality—defined as the ratio of total time spent asleep to total time dedicated to sleep—in two agricultural indigenous populations and one post-industrial group in Mexico (Campeche = 44, Puebla = 51, Mexico City = 50, respectively). Data collection included actigraphy, sleep diaries, questionnaires, interviews and ethnographic observations. We fit linear models to examine sleep efficiency variation within and between groups. ResultsWe found that sleep efficiency varied significantly across sites, being highest in Mexico City (88%) and lowest in Campeche (75%). We found that variation in sleep efficiency was significantly associated with nightly exposure to light and social sleep practices. Conclusions and implicationsOur findings point toward contextual cost-benefits of sleep disruption in adolescence. We highlight the need to prioritize research on adolescent sleep quality across distinct developmental ecologies and its impact on health to improve adolescent wellbeing through evidence-based health practices. 

Abstract The adoption of contraception often coincides with market integration and has transformative effects on fertility behavior. Yet many parents in small-scale societies make decisions about whether and when to adopt family planning in an environment where the payoffs to  have smaller families are uncertain. Here we track the fertility of Maya women across 90 years, spanning the transition from natural to contracepting fertility. We first situate the uncertainty in which fertility decisions are made and model how childbearing behaviors respond. We find that contraception, a key factor in cultural transmission models of fertility decline, initially has little effect on family size as women appear to hedge their bets and adopt fertility control only at the end of their reproductive careers. Family planning is, however, associated with the spread of lower fertility in later cohorts. Distinguishing influences on the origin versus spread of a behaviour provides valuable insight into causal factors shaping individual and normative changes in fertility. 

Abstract ObjectivesWith our diverse training, theoretical and empirical toolkits, and rich data, evolutionary and biological anthropologists (EBAs) have much to contribute to research and policy decisions about climate change and other pressing social issues. However, we remain largely absent from these critical, ongoing efforts. Here, we draw on the literature and our own experiences to make recommendations for how EBAs can engage broader audiences, including the communities with whom we collaborate, a more diverse population of students, researchers in other disciplines and the development sector, policymakers, and the general public. These recommendations include: (1) playing to our strength in longitudinal, place‐based research, (2) collaborating more broadly, (3) engaging in greater public communication of science, (4) aligning our work with open‐science practices to the extent possible, and (5) increasing diversity of our field and teams through intentional action, outreach, training, and mentorship. ConclusionsWe EBAs need to put ourselves out there: research and engagement are complementary, not opposed to each other. With the resources and workable examples we provide here, we hope to spur more EBAs to action. 

Abstract ObjectivesHuman responses to climate variation have a rich anthropological history. However, much less is known about how people living in small‐scale societies perceive climate change, and what climate data are useful in predicting food production at a scale that affects daily lives. MethodsWe use longitudinal ethnographic interviews and economic data to first ask what aspects of climate variation affect the agricultural cycle and food production for Yucatec Maya farmers. Sixty years of high‐resolution meteorological data and harvest assessments are then used to detect the scale at which climate data predict good and bad crop yields, and to analyze long‐term changes in climate variables critical to food production. ResultsWe find that (a) only local, daily precipitation closely fits the climate pattern described by farmers. Other temporal (annual and monthly) scales miss key information about what farmers find important to successful harvests; (b) at both community‐ and municipal‐levels, heavy late‐season rains associated with tropical storms have the greatest negative impact on crop yields; and (c) in contrast to long‐term patterns from regional and state data, local measures show an increase in rainfall during the late growing season, indicating that fine‐grained data are needed to make accurate inferences about climate trends. ConclusionOur findings highlight the importance to define climate variables at scales appropriate to human behavior. Course‐grained annual, monthly, national, and state‐level data tell us little about climate attributes pertinent to farmers and food production. However, high‐resolution daily, local precipitation data do capture how climate variation shapes food production.