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Residential landscapes are essential to the sustainability of large areas of the United States. However, spatial and temporal variation across multiple domains complicates developing policies to balance these systems’ environmental, economic, and equity dimensions. We conducted multidisciplinary studies in the Baltimore, MD, USA, metropolitan area to identify locations (hotspots) or times (hot moments) with a disproportionate influence on nitrogen export, a widespread environmental concern. Results showed high variation in the inherent vulnerability/sensitivity of individual parcels to cause environmental damage and in the knowledge and practices of individual managers. To the extent that hotspots are the result of management choices by homeowners, there are straightforward approaches to improve outcomes, e.g. fertilizer restrictions and incentives to reduce fertilizer use. If, however, hotspots arise from the configuration and inherent characteristics of parcels and neighborhoods, efforts to improve outcomes may involve more intensive and complex interventions, such as conversion to alternative ecosystem types.

 

Addressing the challenges of sustainable and equitable city management in the 21st century requires innovative solutions and integration from a range of dedicated actors. In order to form and fortify partnerships of multi-sectoral collaboration, expand effective governance, and build collective resiliency it is important to understand the network of existing stewardship organizations. The term ‘stewardship’ encompasses a spectrum of local agents dedicated to the evolving process of community care and restoration. Groups involved in stewardship across Baltimore are catalysts of change through a variety of conservation, management, monitoring, transformation, education, and advocacy activities for the local environment – many with common goals of joint resource management, distributive justice, and community power sharing. The “environment” here is intentionally broadly defined as land, air, water, energy and more. The Stewardship Mapping and Assessment Project (STEW-MAP) is a method of data collection and visualization that tracks the characteristics of organizations and their financial and informational flows across sectors and geographic boundaries. The survey includes questions about three facets of environmental stewardship groups: 1) organizational characteristics, 2) collaboration networks, and 3) stewardship “turfs” where each organization works. The data have been analyzed alongside landcover and demographic data and used in multi-city studies incorporating similar datasets across major urban areas of the U.S. Additional information about the growing network of cities conducting stewmap can be found here: https://www.nrs.fs.usda.gov/STEW-MAP/ Romolini, Michele; Grove, J. Morgan; Locke, Dexter H. 2013. Assessing and comparing relationships between urban environmental stewardship networks and land cover in Baltimore and Seattle. Landscape and Urban Planning. 120: 190-207. https://www.fs.usda.gov/research/treesearch/44985 Johnson, M., D. H. Locke, E. Svendsen, L. Campbell, L. M. Westphal, M. Romolini, and J. Grove. 2019. Context matters: influence of organizational, environmental, and social factors on civic environmental stewardship group intensity. Ecology and Society 24(4): 1. https://doi.org/10.5751/ES-10924-240401 Ponte, S. 2023. Social-ecological processes and dynamics of urban forests as green stormwater infrastructure in Maryland, USA. Doctoral dissertation, University of Maryland, College Park, MD. 

The relationship between (a) the structure and composition of the landscape around an individual's home and (b) environmental perceptions and health outcomes has been well demonstrated (eg the value of vegetation cover to well‐being). Few studies, however, have examined how multiple landscape features (eg vegetation and water cover) relate to perceptions of multiple environmental problems (eg air or water quality) and whether those relationships hold over time. We utilized a long‐term dataset of geolocated telephone surveys in Baltimore, Maryland, to identify relationships between residents’ perceptions of environmental problems and nearby landcover. Residents of neighborhoods with more vegetation or located closer to water were less likely to perceive environmental problems. Water quality was one exception to this trend, in that people were more likely to perceive water‐quality problems when nearby water cover was greater. These trends endured over time, suggesting that these relationships are stable and therefore useful for informing policy aimed at minimizing perceived environmental problems.

 

This dataset was created primarily to map and track socioeconomic and demographic variables from the US Census Bureau from year 1940 to year 2010, by decade, within the City of Baltimore's Mayor's Office of Information Technology (MOIT) year 2010 neighborhood boundaries. The socioeconomic and demographic variables include the percent White, percent African American, percent owner occupied homes, percent vacant homes, the percentage of age 25 and older people with a high school education or greater, and the percentage of age 25 and older people with a college education or greater. Percent White and percent African American are also provided for year 1930. Each of the the year 2010 neighborhood boundaries were also attributed with the 1937 Home Owners' Loan Corporation (HOLC) definition of neighborhoods via spatial overlay. HOLC rated neighborhoods as A, B, C, D or Undefined. HOLC categorized the perceived safety and risk of mortgage refinance lending in metropolitan areas using a hierarchical grading scale of A, B, C, and D. A and B areas were considered the safest areas for federal investment due to their newer housing as well as higher earning and racially homogenous households. In contrast, C and D graded areas were viewed to be in a state of inevitable decline, depreciation, and decay, and thus risky for federal investment, due to their older housing stock and racial and ethnic composition. This policy was inherently a racist practice. Places were graded based on who lived there; poor areas with people of color were labeled as lower and less-than. HOLC's 1937 neighborhoods do not cover the entire extent of the year 2010 neighborhood boundaries. The neighborhood boundaries were also augmented to include which of the year 2017 Housing Market Typology (HMT) the 2010 neighborhoods fall within. Finally, the neighborhood boundaries were also augmented to include tree canopy and tree canopy change year 2007 to year 2015. 

Tree Baltimore (treebaltimore.org) hired Davey Tree to conduct a census of all publicly owned trees and tree pits in the city of Baltimore. This census was completed by arborists in 2017-2018, documenting over 192,000 trees and potential tree sites that reflect the public component of Baltimore’s urban forest. Entries in this dataset include trees in parkways (street trees), mown areas of public parks (forest patches excluded), meridian trees, and vacant spaces for tree planting. Data is continuously updated and the current vintage can be found at https://baltimore.maps.arcgis.com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=d2cfbbe9a24b4d988de127852e6c26c8. 

Tree canopy cover is a critical component of the urban environment that supports ecosystem services at multiple spatial and temporal scales. Increasing tree canopy across a matrix of public and private land is challenging. As such, municipalities often plant trees along streets in public rights‐of‐way where there are fewer barriers to establishment, and composition and biomass of street trees are inextricably linked to human decisions, management, and care. In this study, we investigated the contributions of street trees to the broader urban forest, inclusive of tree canopy distributed across both public and private parcels in Baltimore, MD, USA. We assess how species composition, biodiversity, and biomass of street trees specifically augment the urban forest at local and citywide scales. Furthermore, we evaluate how street tree contributions to the urban forest vary with social and demographic characteristics of local residential communities. Our analyses demonstrate that street trees significantly enhanced citywide metrics of the urban forests' richness and tree biomass, adding an average six unique species per site. However, street tree contributions did not ameliorate low tree canopy locations, and more street tree biomass was generally aligned with higher urban forest cover. Furthermore, species richness, abundance, and biomass added by street trees were all positively related to local household income and population density. Our results corroborate previous findings that wealthier urban neighborhoods often have greater tree abundance and canopy cover and, additionally, suggest that investment in municipally managed street trees may be reinforcing inequities in distribution and function of the urban forest. This suggests a need for greater attention to where and why street tree plantings occur, what species are selected, and how planted tree survival is maintained by and for residents in different neighborhoods.

 

Humans promote and inhibit other species on the urban landscape, shaping biodiversity patterns. Institutional racism may underlie the distribution of urban species by creating disproportionate resources in space and time. Here, we examine whether present‐day street tree occupancy, diversity, and composition in Baltimore, MD, USA, neighborhoods reflect their 1937 classification into grades of loan risk—from most desirable (A = green) to least desirable (D = “redlined”)—using racially discriminatory criteria. We find that neighborhoods that were redlined have consistently lower street tree α‐diversity and are nine times less likely to have large (old) trees occupying a viable planting site. Simultaneously, redlined neighborhoods were locations of recent tree planting activities, with a high occupancy rate of small (young) trees. However, the community composition of these young trees exhibited lower species turnover and reordering across neighborhoods compared to those in higher grades, due to heavy reliance on a single tree species. Overall, while the negative effects of redlining remain detectable in present‐day street tree communities, there are clear signs of recent investment. A strategy of planting diverse tree cohorts paired with investments in site rehabilitation and maintenance may be necessary if cities wish to overcome ecological feedbacks associated with legacies of environmental injustice.

 

Despite the social and ecological importance of residential spaces across the country, scant research examines urban yard management policies in the U.S. Governance scholarship points to the implementation challenges of navigating policy language. Our research provides an exploration of yard ordinance language, with implications for communities across the U.S. Specifically, we sought to determine whether—and in what instances—vegetation- and groundcover-related yard ordinances in the U.S. are ambiguous or clear. Our findings suggest that ordinances are often ambiguous when referring to the state or quality of the constituent parts that make up the residential yard (e.g., “neat” or “orderly”). Yet they are clear when providing guidance about what plant species are or are not allowed, or when articulating specific requirements regarding the size or dimensions of impervious surfaces and plants. We discuss the policy implications of these findings, especially in the context of how such policies may invite the subjective judgment by enforcers, leaving open the potential for discriminatory enforcement, especially with regard to marginalized communities where different cultural values and esthetics may be expressed in yards.