Studies often cite climate issues in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) employment to explain the lack of diversity by gender and race. Yet, little research directly attends to gender and racial differences in the college experiences, expected family roles, and ideological beliefs about gender that create the racialized “gendered selves” graduates bring to STEM occupations. We examine the experiences and beliefs of graduating chemistry and chemical engineering majors at two U.S. universities, showing where they coalesced into intersectional gender groups whose work and family involvement and desired working conditions substantially differ. Gendered family expectations and workplace beliefs at labor market entry subsequently predict career confidence and family-based limits on job searching, both important factors affecting retention in STEM employment. We find that women at career entry are more likely to have lower confidence and more limits on their job search, though patterns differ by ethnicity. This occurs in part because both male and female graduates who report greater expected family responsibility also report lower confidence and more limits in job searching. Overall, aspirational fulfillment is easier for men whose intersectional gender identities fit the dominant STEM workplace culture, and harder for women and non-white graduates with more flexible gender ideologies and greater anticipated household responsibilities.
Multiple household devices are now using human‐like voices. We investigate whether there are gender differences in the voices used by different kinds of specialized smart devices (e.g., microwaves vs. toy trucks) as provided by Google's search engine. These gender differences could fuel gender stereotypes in the household environment, or they could help challenge them. Early results suggest a preponderance of male‐sounding voices among household devices in the search results but also multiple instances of counterstereotypical media presentation.
more » « less- Award ID(s):
- 1915790
- PAR ID:
- 10306825
- Publisher / Repository:
- Wiley Blackwell (John Wiley & Sons)
- Date Published:
- Journal Name:
- Proceedings of the Association for Information Science and Technology
- Volume:
- 58
- Issue:
- 1
- ISSN:
- 2373-9231
- Page Range / eLocation ID:
- p. 824-826
- Format(s):
- Medium: X
- Sponsoring Org:
- National Science Foundation
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Abstract Background Motivational factors are one active area of research that aims to increase the inclusion of women in physics. One of these factors that has only recently gained traction in physics is intelligence mindset (i.e., the belief that intelligence is either innate and unchangeable or can be developed). We studied 781 students in calculus-based Physics 1 to investigate if their mindset views were separable into more nuanced dimensions, if they varied by gender/sex and over time, and if they predicted course grade. Confirmatory factor analysis was used to divide mindset survey questions along two dimensions: myself versus others and growth versus ability aspects of mindset. Paired and unpaired
t -tests were used to compare mindset factors over time and between genders, respectively. Multiple regression analysis was used to find which mindset factors were the best predictors of course grade.Results This study shows that intelligence mindset can be divided into four factors: My Ability, My Growth, Others’ Ability, and Others’ Growth. Further, it reveals that gender differences are more pronounced in the “My” categories than the “Others’” categories. At the start of the course, there are no gender differences in any mindset component, except for My Ability. However, gender differences develop in each component from the start to the end of the course, and in the My Ability category, the gender differences increase over time. Finally, we find that My Ability is the only mindset factor that predicts course grade.
Conclusion These results allow for a more nuanced view of intelligence mindset than has been suggested in previous interview and survey-based work. By looking at the differences in mindset factors over time, we see that learning environments affect women’s and men’s intelligence mindsets differently. The largest gender difference is in My Ability, the factor that best predicts course grade. This finding has implications for developing future mindset interventions and opens new opportunities to eliminate classroom inequities.
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Compounding systems of marginalization differentiate and shape water-related risks. Yet, quantitative water security scholarship rarely assesses such risks through intersectionality, a paradigm that conceptualizes and examines racial, gendered, class, and other oppressions as interdependent. Using an intersectionality approach, we analyze the relationships between household head gender and self-reported socio-economic status, and water affordability (proportion of monthly income spent on water) and water insecurity (a composite measure of 11 self-reported experiences) for over 4000 households across 18 low- and middle-income countries in Central and South America, Africa, and Asia. Interaction terms and composite categorical variables were included in regression models, adjusting for putative confounders. Among households with a high socio-economic status, the proportion of monthly income spent on water differed by household head gender. In contrast, greater household water insecurity was associated with lower socio-economic status and did not meaningfully vary by the gender of the household head. We contextualize and interpret these experiences through larger systems of power and privilege. Overall, our results provide evidence of broad intersectional patterns from diverse sites, while indicating that their nature and magnitude depend on local contexts. Through a critical reflection on the study’s value and limitations, including the operationalization of social contexts across different sites, we propose methodological approaches to advance multi-sited and quantitative intersectional research on water affordability and water insecurity. These approaches include developing scale-appropriate models, analyzing complementarities and differences between site-specific and multi-sited data, collecting data on gendered power relations, and measuring the impacts of household water insecurity.more » « less
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