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This paper investigates the intonation system of Paraguayan Guarani in the Autosegmental-metrical (AM) framework of intonational phonology. Previous work on Guarani intonation stated that Guarani has two types of pitch accent, rising (L*+H or LH) and falling (H+L* or HL), and there is no prosodic unit between a word and an Intonational Phrase. But these findings seem to have resulted from the limitation of the data examined. When longer words/sentences and various syntactic structures are examined, it was found that Guarani has one type of pitch accent, a tri-tonal HLH*, and has an Accentual Phrase (AP). The tonal pattern of AP is /H HLH* Ha/, i.e., it has one pitch accent and its edges are marked by a H tone. However, because the pitch accent is tri-tonal, AP edge tones are realized only when an AP is longer than four syllables and stress is not final, suggesting that the function of AP boundary tone is not marking word prominence as in other AP languages. Instead, an important function of Guarani AP seems to mark specific syntactic categories and groupings. These findings are compared with other AP languages and discussed in terms of the typology of word-prominence type. Index Terms: intonation, Paraguayan Guarani, tri-tonal pitch accent, Accentual Phrase, prosodic typology
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A Comparative Analysis of Declarative Sentences in the Spontaneous Speech of Two Puerto Rican Communities
This paper applies the Autosegmental Metrical (AM) model of intonation phonology and the Spanish Tones and Break Indices (Sp_ToBI) annotation conventions to compare the intonational contours of declarative sentences in two varieties of Puerto Rican Spanish: (1) San Juan Spanish, spoken in the capital city of San Juan, and (2) Loíza Spanish, an Afro-Hispanic vernacular spoken in Loíza. The geographical proximity between these two municipalities entails constant contact within a shared linguistic space. However, speakers from San Juan perceive Loíza as a municipality that has its own peculiar way of speaking. The acoustic and phonological analysis was carried out with PRAAT to verify whether pitch accents coincide in the spontaneous speech of the two analyzed varieties. The data we examined contain an overall predominance of the bitonal pitch accents L*+H and L+
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- Award ID(s):
- 2212058
- PAR ID:
- 10514237
- Publisher / Repository:
- Languages
- Date Published:
- Journal Name:
- Languages
- Volume:
- 9
- Issue:
- 3
- ISSN:
- 2226-471X
- Page Range / eLocation ID:
- 90
- Format(s):
- Medium: X
- Sponsoring Org:
- National Science Foundation
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This paper investigates the intonation system of Paraguayan Guarani in the Autosegmental-metrical (AM) framework of intonational phonology. Previous work on Guarani intonation stated that Guarani has two types of pitch accent, rising (L*+H or LH) and falling (H+L* or HL), and there is no prosodic unit between a word and an Intonational Phrase. But these findings seem to have resulted from the limitation of the data examined. When longer words/sentences and various syntactic structures are examined, it was found that Guarani has one type of pitch accent, a tri-tonal HLH*, and has an Accentual Phrase (AP). The tonal pattern of AP is /H HLH* Ha/, i.e., it has one pitch accent and its edges are marked by a H tone. However, because the pitch accent is tri-tonal, AP edge tones are realized only when an AP is longer than four syllables and stress is not final, suggesting that the function of AP boundary tone is not marking word prominence as in other AP languages. Instead, an important function of Guarani AP seems to mark specific syntactic categories and groupings. These findings are compared with other AP languages and discussed in terms of the typology of word-prominence type. Index Terms: intonation, Paraguayan Guarani, tri-tonal pitch accent, Accentual Phrase, prosodic typologymore » « less
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This paper investigates the intonation system of Paraguayan Guarani in the Autosegmental-metrical (AM) framework of intonational phonology. Previous work on Guarani intonation stated that Guarani has two types of pitch accent, rising (L*+H or LH) and falling (H+L* or HL), and there is no prosodic unit between a word and an Intonational Phrase. But these findings seem to have resulted from the limitation of the data examined. When longer words/sentences and various syntactic structures are examined, it was found that Guarani has one type of pitch accent, a tri-tonal HLH*, and has an Accentual Phrase (AP). The tonal pattern of AP is /H HLH* Ha/, i.e., it has one pitch accent and its edges are marked by a H tone. However, because the pitch accent is tri-tonal, AP edge tones are realized only when an AP is longer than four syllables and stress is not final, suggesting that the function of AP boundary tone is not marking word prominence as in other AP languages. Instead, an important function of Guarani AP seems to mark specific syntactic categories and groupings. These findings are compared with other AP languages and discussed in terms of the typology of word-prominence type.more » « less
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In Autosegmental-Metrical models of intonational phonology, different types of pitch accents, phrase accents, and boundary tones concatenate to create a set of phonologically distinct phrase-final nuclear tunes. This study asks if an eight-way distinction in nuclear tune shape in American English, predicted from the combination of two (monotonal) pitch accents, two phrase accents, and two boundary tones, is evident in speech production and in speech perception. F0 trajectories from a large-scale imitative speech production experiment were analyzed using bottom-up(k-means) clustering, neural net classification, GAMM modeling, and modeling of turning point alignment. Listeners’ perception of the same tunes is tested in a perceptual discrimination task and related to the imitation results. Emergent grouping of tunes in the clustering analysis, and related classification accuracy from the neural net, show a merging of some of the predicted distinctions among tunes whereby tune shapes that vary primarily in the scaling of final f0 are not reliably distinguished. Within five emergent clusters, subtler distinctions among tunes are evident in GAMMs and f0 turning point modeling. Clustering of individual participants’ production data shows a range of partitions of the data, with nearly all participants making a primary distinction between a class of High-Rising and Non-High-Rising tunes, and with up to four secondary distinctions among the non-Rising class. Perception results show a similar pattern, with poor pairwise discrimination for tunes that differ primarily, but by a small degree, in final f0, and highly accurate discrimination when just one member of a pair is in the High-Rising tune class. Together, the results suggest a hierarchy of distinctiveness among nuclear tunes, with a robust distinction based on holistic tune shape and poorly differentiated distinctions between tunes with the same holistic shape but small differences in final f0. The observed distinctions from clustering, classification, and perception analyses align with the tonal specification of a binary pitch accent contrast {H*, L*} and a maximally ternary {H%, M%, L%} boundary tone contrast; the findings do not support distinct tonal specifications for the phrase accent and boundary tone from the AM model.more » « less
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Accepted Manuscript1.0
- Journal Article:
- https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9030090
