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1. Paraguayan Guarani: Tritonal Pitch Accent and Accentual Phrase

   Jun, Sun-Ah; Zubizarreta, Maria Luisa (August 2022, Interspeech)

   This paper investigates the intonation system of Paraguayan Guarani in the Autosegmental-metrical (AM) framework of intonational phonology. Previous work on Guarani intonation stated that Guarani has two types of pitch accent, rising (L*+H or LH) and falling (H+L* or HL), and there is no prosodic unit between a word and an Intonational Phrase. But these findings seem to have resulted from the limitation of the data examined. When longer words/sentences and various syntactic structures are examined, it was found that Guarani has one type of pitch accent, a tri-tonal HLH*, and has an Accentual Phrase (AP). The tonal pattern of AP is /H HLH* Ha/, i.e., it has one pitch accent and its edges are marked by a H tone. However, because the pitch accent is tri-tonal, AP edge tones are realized only when an AP is longer than four syllables and stress is not final, suggesting that the function of AP boundary tone is not marking word prominence as in other AP languages. Instead, an important function of Guarani AP seems to mark specific syntactic categories and groupings. These findings are compared with other AP languages and discussed in terms of the typology of word-prominence type. Index Terms: intonation, Paraguayan Guarani, tri-tonal pitch accent, Accentual Phrase, prosodic typology 

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2. Paraguayan Guarani:Tritonal Pitch Accent and Accentual Phrase

   Jun, Sun-Ah; Zubizarreta, Maria Luisa (September 2022, International Speech Communication Association)

   This paper investigates the intonation system of Paraguayan Guarani in the Autosegmental-metrical (AM) framework of intonational phonology. Previous work on Guarani intonation stated that Guarani has two types of pitch accent, rising (L*+H or LH) and falling (H+L* or HL), and there is no prosodic unit between a word and an Intonational Phrase. But these findings seem to have resulted from the limitation of the data examined. When longer words/sentences and various syntactic structures are examined, it was found that Guarani has one type of pitch accent, a tri-tonal HLH*, and has an Accentual Phrase (AP). The tonal pattern of AP is /H HLH* Ha/, i.e., it has one pitch accent and its edges are marked by a H tone. However, because the pitch accent is tri-tonal, AP edge tones are realized only when an AP is longer than four syllables and stress is not final, suggesting that the function of AP boundary tone is not marking word prominence as in other AP languages. Instead, an important function of Guarani AP seems to mark specific syntactic categories and groupings. These findings are compared with other AP languages and discussed in terms of the typology of word-prominence type. Index Terms: intonation, Paraguayan Guarani, tri-tonal pitch accent, Accentual Phrase, prosodic typology 

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3. The timing of speech and gesture in two Niger-Congo languages: Implications for word-level prominence

   https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.17426  

   Franich, Kathryn; Keupdjio, Hermann; Nwosu, Vincent (January 2025, Glossa: a journal of general linguistics)

   Co-speech gestures are timed to occur with prosodically prominent syllables in several languages. In prior work in Indo-European languages, gestures are found to be attracted to stressed syllables, with gesture apexes preferentially aligning with syllables bearing higher and more dynamic pitch accents. Little research has examined the temporal alignment of co-speech gestures in African tonal languages, where metrical prominence is often hard to identify due to a lack of canonical stress correlates, and where a key function of pitch is in distinguishing between words, rather than marking intonational prominence. Here, we examine the alignment of co-speech gestures in two different Niger-Congo languages with very different word structures, Medʉmba (Grassfields Bantu, Cameroon) and Igbo (Igboid, Nigeria). Our findings suggest that the initial position in the stem tends to attract gestures in Medʉmba, while the final syllable in the word is the default position for gesture alignment in Igbo; phrase position also influences gesture alignment, but in language-specific ways. Though neither language showed strong evidence of elevated prominence of any individual tone value, gesture patterning in Igbo suggests that metrical structure at the level of the tonal foot is relevant to the speech-gesture relationship. Our results demonstrate how the speech-gesture relationship can be a window into patterns of word- and phrase-level prosody cross-linguistically. They also show that the relationship between gesture and tone (and the related notion of ‘tonal prominence’) is mediated by tone’s function in a language.  

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4. Intonational Cues to Segmental Contrasts in the Native Language Facilitate the Processing of Intonational Cues to Lexical Stress in the Second Language

   https://doi.org/10.3389/fcomm.2022.845430  

   Kim, Hyoju; Tremblay, Annie (April 2022, Frontiers in Communication)

   This study examines whether second language (L2) learners' processing of an intonationally cued lexical contrast is facilitated when intonational cues signal a segmental contrast in the native language (L1). It does so by investigating Seoul Korean and French listeners' processing of intonationally cued lexical-stress contrasts in English. Neither Seoul Korean nor French has lexical stress; instead, the two languages have similar intonational systems where prominence is realized at the level of the Accentual Phrase. A critical difference between the two systems is that French has only one tonal pattern underlying the realization of the Accentual Phrase, whereas Korean has two underlying tonal patterns that depend on the laryngeal feature of the phrase-initial segment. The L and H tonal cues thus serve to distinguish segments at the lexical level in Korean but not in French; Seoul Korean listeners are thus hypothesized to outperform French listeners when processing English lexical stress realized only with (only) tonal cues (H * on the stressed syllable). Seoul Korean and French listeners completed a sequence-recall task with four-item sequences of English words that differed in intonationally cued lexical stress (experimental condition) or in word-initial segment (control condition). The results showed higher accuracy for Seoul Korean listeners than for French listeners only when processing English lexical stress, suggesting that the processing of an intonationally cued lexical contrast in the L2 is facilitated when intonational cues signal a segmental contrast in the L1. These results are interpreted within the scope of the cue-based transfer approach to L2 prosodic processing. 

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5. Akan tone encoding across musical modalities

   https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.52.1and2.133067  

   McPherson, Laura; Obiri-Yeboah, Michael (April 2024, Studies in African Linguistics)

   Musical surrogate languages like talking drums remain understudied in the linguistics literature, despite their close connection with the phonetics and phonology of the spoken language. African surrogate languages tend to be based on tone, making them a unique angle for studying a language’s tonal system. This paper looks at the encoding of Akan tone in three instrumental surrogate languages: the atumpan drums, the seperewa harp, and the abɛntia horn trumpet. Each instrument presents different organological constraints that could shape how the tone system is transposed to musical form. Drawing on novel data elicited with musicians in Ghana, we show that all three systems are built on a two-tone foundation mirroring the Akan tone system, but with subtle differences in the treatment of downstep and intonational effects like phrase-final lowering and lax question intonation. 

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