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I describe and analyze a process of postlabial rounding in A’ingae (isolate, ISO 639-3: con): after labial consonants, the diphthong /ae/ may surface as [oe]. However, a postlabial monophthongal /a/ always surfaces faithfully as [a]. To capture these facts, I propose an analysis couched in Q-Theory, where one vocalic target of a diphthong corresponds to fewer subsegments than a monophthong. This predicts that diphthongs might show an emergence-of-the-unmarked (TETU) effect, while monophthongs surface faithfully. The prediction is borne out by A’ingae postlabial rounding, contributing a novel argument for the Q-Theoretic representations. Finally, I show that similar asymmetries between diphthongs and monophthongs have recurred throughout the language’s history, further strengthening the proposal. 

ABSTRACT Apprehensionalityrefers to the semantic domain of negative prospective epistemic modality and the formal expressions used to encode it. In this article, we break down theapprehensional situationinto five prototypical components: (I) future reference, (II) possibility, (III) negative evaluation, (IV) avertive intent, and (V) a preferred action. In doing so, we propose a framework for comparing synchronic and diachronic aspects of the semantics and expression of apprehensional modality across languages. We discuss several recent formal accounts of three apprehensional morphemes—Francez's account of Biblical Hebrewpen, Dąbkowski and AnderBois's of A'ingae‐sa'ne, and Phillips's of Australian Kriolbambai—relate their formalisms to the apprehensional situation schema, and evaluate their predictions. We summarise previous findings on the grammaticalisation pathways towards and among apprehensional morphemes. We find that apprehensionals grammaticalise from a wide range of sources, including components I–IV of the apprehensional schema. Among the apprehensional functions themselves, both subordination and insubordination are commonly encountered. 

Abstract We describe and analyze the semantics of rationale and precautioning clauses (i.e. in order to- and lest-clauses) through a detailed case study of two operators in A’ingae (or Cofán, iso 639-3: con, an Amazonian isolate): the infinitive -ye ‘inf’ and the apprehensional -sa’ne ‘appr.’ We provide a new account of rationale semantics and the first formal account of precautioning semantics. We propose that in structures such as [$$p$$ [(in order) to$$q$$]] or [$$p$$ [$$q$$-ye]], the rationale operator (underlined) encodes modal semantics where the goal worlds of the actor responsible for $$p$$ achieve $$q$$. In structures such as [$$p$$ [lest$$q$$]] or [$$p$$ [$$q$$-sa’ne]], the precautioning operator encodes modal semantics where the actor’s goal worlds avoid a recoverable situation $$r$$ which entails $$q$$ ($$r\Rightarrow q$$). We observe and account for three apparent asymmetries within the domain of rationale and precautioning semantics, which we dub precautioning semantics asymmetry, rationale polarity asymmetry, and precautioning encoding asymmetry. We thus elucidate the relation between rationale and precautioning clauses and make substantial predictions with respect to the cross-linguistic inventories of rationale and precautioning operators. 

Abstract A'ingae (or Cofán,ISO639‐3: con) is an indigenous language isolate spoken in northeast Ecuador and southern Colombia. This paper presents the first comprehensive overview of the A'ingae phonology, including descriptions of (i) the language's phonemic inventory, (ii) phonotactics and a number of related phonological rules, (iii) nasality and nasal spreading, as well as (iv) stress, glottalisation, their morphophonology, and aspects of clause‐level prosody.