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Abstract Communicating with a speaker with a different accent can affect one’s own speech. Despite the strength of evidence for perception-production transfer in speech, the nature of transfer has remained elusive, with variable results regarding the acoustic properties that transfer between speakers and the characteristics of the speakers who exhibit transfer. The current study investigates perception-production transfer through the lens of statistical learning across passive exposure to speech. Participants experienced a short sequence of acoustically variable minimal pair (beer/pier) utterances conveying either an accent or typical American English acoustics, categorized a perceptually ambiguous test stimulus, and then repeated the test stimulus aloud. In thecanonicalcondition, /b/–/p/ fundamental frequency (F0) and voice onset time (VOT) covaried according to typical English patterns. In thereversecondition, the F0xVOT relationship reversed to create an “accent” with speech input regularities atypical of American English. Replicating prior studies, F0 played less of a role in perceptual speech categorization in reverse compared with canonical statistical contexts. Critically, this down-weighting transferred to production, with systematic down-weighting of F0 in listeners’ own speech productions in reverse compared with canonical contexts that was robust across male and female participants. Thus, the mapping of acoustics to speech categories is rapidly adjusted by short-term statistical learning across passive listening and these adjustments transfer to influence listeners’ own speech productions.
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Perceptual Cue Weighting Is Influenced by the Listener's Gender and Subjective Evaluations of the Speaker: The Case of English Stop Voicing
Speech categories are defined by multiple acoustic dimensions and their boundaries are generally fuzzy and ambiguous in part because listeners often give differential weighting to these cue dimensions during phonetic categorization. This study explored how a listener's perception of a speaker's socio-indexical and personality characteristics influences the listener's perceptual cue weighting. In a matched-guise study, three groups of listeners classified a series of gender-neutral /b/-/p/ continua that vary in VOT and F0 at the onset of the following vowel. Listeners were assigned to one of three prompt conditions (i.e., a visually male talker, a visually female talker, or audio-only) and rated the talker in terms of vocal (and facial, in the visual prompt conditions) gender prototypicality, attractiveness, friendliness, confidence, trustworthiness, and gayness. Male listeners and listeners who saw a male face showed less reliance on VOT compared to listeners in the other conditions. Listeners' visual evaluation of the talker also affected their weighting of VOT and onset F0 cues, although the effects of facial impressions differ depending on the gender of the listener. The results demonstrate that individual differences in perceptual cue weighting are modulated by the listener's gender and his/her subjective evaluation of the talker. These findings lend support for exemplar-based models of speech perception and production where socio-indexical features are encoded as a part of the episodic traces in the listeners' mental lexicon. This study also shed light on the relationship between individual variation in cue weighting and community-level sound change by demonstrating that VOT and onset F0 co-variation in North American English has acquired a certain degree of socio-indexical significance.
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- Award ID(s):
- 1827409
- PAR ID:
- 10440823
- Date Published:
- Journal Name:
- Frontiers in Psychology
- Volume:
- 13
- ISSN:
- 1664-1078
- Format(s):
- Medium: X
- Sponsoring Org:
- National Science Foundation
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Abstract Recent studies have documented substantial variability among typical listeners in how gradiently they categorize speech sounds, and this variability in categorization gradience may link to how listeners weight different cues in the incoming signal. The present study tested the relationship between categorization gradience and cue weighting across two sets of English contrasts, each varying orthogonally in two acoustic dimensions. Participants performed a four‐alternative forced‐choice identification task in a visual world paradigm while their eye movements were monitored. We found that (a) greater categorization gradience derived from behavioral identification responses corresponds to larger secondary cue weights derived from eye movements; (b) the relationship between categorization gradience and secondary cue weighting is observed across cues and contrasts, suggesting that categorization gradience may be a consistent within‐individual property in speech perception; and (c) listeners who showed greater categorization gradience tend to adopt a buffered processing strategy, especially when cues arrive asynchronously in time.more » « less
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Abstract Perception changes rapidly and implicitly as a function of passive exposure to speech that samples different acoustic distributions. Past research has shown that this statistical learning generalizes across talkers and, to some extent, new items, but these studies involved listeners’ active engagement in processing statistics-bearing stimuli. In this study, we manipulated the relationship between voice onset time (VOT) and fundamental frequency (F0) to establish distributional regularities either aligned with American English or reversed to create a subtle foreign accent. We then tested whether statistical learning across passive exposure to these distributions generalized to new items never experienced in the accent. Experiment 1 showed statistical learning across passive exposure but no generalization of learning when exposure and test items shared the same initial consonant but differed in vowels (bear/pear → beer/pier) or when they differed in initial consonant but shared distributional regularities across VOT and F0 dimensions (deer/tear → beer/pier). Experiment 2 showed generalization to stimuli that shared the statistics-bearing phoneme (bear/pear → beer/pier), but only when the response set included tokens from both exposure and generalization stimuli. Moreover, statistical learning transferred to influence the subtle acoustics of listeners’ own speech productions but did not generalize to influence productions of stimuli not heard in the accent. In sum, passive exposure is thus sufficient to support statistical learning and its generalization, but task demands modulate this dynamic. Moreover, production does not simply mirror perception: generalization in perception was not accompanied by transfer to production.more » « less
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Cavicchio, Federica (Ed.)Accounts of speech perception disagree on how listeners demonstrate perceptual constancy despite considerable variation in the speech signal due to speakers’ coarticulation. According to the spectral contrast account, listeners’ compensation for coarticulation (CfC) results from listeners perceiving the target-segment frequencies differently depending on the contrastive effects exerted by the preceding sound’s frequencies. In this study, we reexamine a notable finding that listeners apparently demonstrate perceptual adjustments to coarticulation even when the identity of the speaker (i.e., the “source”) changes midway between speech segments. We evaluated these apparent across-talker CfC effects on the rationale that such adjustments to coarticulation would likely be maladaptive for perceiving speech in multi-talker settings. In addition, we evaluated whether such cross-talker adaptations, if detected, were modulated by prior experience. We did so by manipulating the exposure phase of three groups of listeners by (a) merely exposing them to our stimuli (b) explicitly alerting them to talker change or (c) implicitly alerting them to this change. All groups then completed identical test blocks in which we assessed their CfC patterns in within- and across-talker conditions. Our results uniformly demonstrated that, while all three groups showed robust CfC shifts in the within-talker conditions, no such shifts were detected in the across-talker condition. Our results call into question a speaker-neutral explanation for CfC. Broadly, this demonstrates the need to carefully examine the perceptual demands placed on listeners in constrained experimental tasks and to evaluate whether the accounts that derive from such settings scale up to the demands of real-world listening.more » « less
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- Free Publicly Accessible Full Text
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Accepted Manuscript1.0
- Journal Article:
- https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.840291
