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Abstract Challenging goals can induce harder work but also greater stress, in turn potentially undermining goal achievement. We sought to examine how mental effort and subjective experiences thereof interact as a function of the challenge level and the size of the incentives at stake. Participants performed a task that rewarded individual units of effort investment (correctly performed Stroop trials) but only if they met a threshold number of correct trials within a fixed time interval (challenge level). We varied this challenge level (Study 1, n = 40) and the rewards at stake (Study 2, n = 79) and measured variability in task performance and self-reported affect across task intervals. Greater challenge and higher rewards facilitated greater effort investment but also induced greater stress, whereas higher rewards (and lower challenge) simultaneously induced greater positive affect. Within intervals, we observed an initial speed up then slowdown in performance, which could reflect dynamic reconfiguration of control. Collectively, these findings further our understanding of the influence of task demands and incentives on mental effort exertion and well-being.more » « lessFree, publicly-accessible full text available December 1, 2025
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Free, publicly-accessible full text available July 28, 2026
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Free, publicly-accessible full text available January 1, 2026
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Free, publicly-accessible full text available December 1, 2025
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To achieve a goal, people have to keep track of how much effort they are putting in (effort monitoring) and how well they are performing (performance monitoring), which can be informed by endogenous signals, or exogenous signals providing explicit feedback about whether they have met their goal. Interventions to improve performance often focus on adjusting feedback to direct the individual on how to better invest their efforts, but is it possible that this feedback itself plays a role in shaping the experience of how effortful the task feels? Here, we examine this question directly by assessing the relationship between effort monitoring and performance monitoring. Participants (N = 68) performed a task in which their goal was to squeeze a handgrip to within a target force level (not lower or higher) for a minimum duration. On most trials, they were given no feedback as to whether they met their goal, and were largely unable to detect how they had performed. On a subset of trials, however, we provided participants with (false) feedback indicating that they had either succeeded or failed at meeting their goal (positive vs. negative feedback blocks, respectively). Sporadically, participants rated their experience of effort exertion, fatigue, and confidence in having met the target grip force on that trial. Despite being non-veridical to their actual performance, we found that the type of feedback participants received influenced their experience of effort. When receiving negative (vs. positive) feedback, participants fatigued faster and adjusted their grip strength more for higher target force levels. We also found that confidence gradually increased with increasing positive feedback and decreased with increasing negative feedback, again despite feedback being uniformly uninformative. These results suggest differential influences of feedback on experiences related to effort and further shed light on the relationship between experiences related to performance monitoring and effort monitoring.more » « less
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Abstract A hallmark of adaptation in humans and other animals is our ability to control how we think and behave across different settings. Research has characterized the various forms cognitive control can take—including enhancement of goal-relevant information, suppression of goal-irrelevant information, and overall inhibition of potential responses—and has identified computations and neural circuits that underpin this multitude of control types. Studies have also identified a wide range of situations that elicit adjustments in control allocation (e.g., those eliciting signals indicating an error or increased processing conflict), but the rules governing when a given situation will give rise to a given control adjustment remain poorly understood. Significant progress has recently been made on this front by casting the allocation of control as a decision-making problem. This approach has developed unifying and normative models that prescribe when and how a change in incentives and task demands will result in changes in a given form of control. Despite their successes, these models, and the experiments that have been developed to test them, have yet to face their greatest challenge: deciding how to select among the multiplicity of configurations that control can take at any given time. Here, we will lay out the complexities of the inverse problem inherent to cognitive control allocation, and their close parallels to inverse problems within motor control (e.g., choosing between redundant limb movements). We discuss existing solutions to motor control's inverse problems drawn from optimal control theory, which have proposed that effort costs act to regularize actions and transform motor planning into a well-posed problem. These same principles may help shed light on how our brains optimize over complex control configuration, while providing a new normative perspective on the origins of mental effort.more » « less
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