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At birth, infants discriminate most of the sounds of the world’s languages, but by age 1, infants become language-specific listeners. This has generally been taken as evidence that infants have learned which acoustic dimensions are contrastive, or useful for distinguishing among the sounds of their language(s), and have begun focusing primarily on those dimensions when perceiving speech. However, speech is highly variable, with different sounds overlapping substantially in their acoustics, and after decades of research, we still do not know what aspects of the speech signal allow infants to differentiate contrastive from noncontrastive dimensions. Here we show that infants could learn which acoustic dimensions of their language are contrastive, despite the high acoustic variability. Our account is based on the cross-linguistic fact that even sounds that overlap in their acoustics differ in the contexts they occur in. We predict that this should leave a signal that infants can pick up on and show that acoustic distributions indeed vary more by context along contrastive dimensions compared with noncontrastive dimensions. By establishing this difference, we provide a potential answer to how infants learn about sound contrasts, a question whose answer in natural learning environments has remained elusive. 

Rhythm plays an important role in language perception and learning, with infants perceiving rhythmic differences across languages at birth. While the mechanisms underlying rhythm perception in speech remain unclear, one interesting possibility is that these mechanisms are similar to those involved in the perception of musical rhythm. In this work, we adopt a model originally designed for musical rhythm to simulate speech rhythm perception. We show that this model replicates the behavioral results of language discrimination in newborns, and outperforms an existing model of infant language discrimination. We also find that percussives — fast-changing components in the acoustics — are necessary for distinguishing languages of different rhythms, which suggests that percussives are essential for rhythm perception. Our music-inspired model of speech rhythm may be seen as a first step towards a unified theory of how rhythm is represented in speech and music. 

Non-native speakers show difficulties with spoken word processing. Many studies attribute these difficulties to imprecise phonological encoding of words in the lexical memory. We test an alternative hypothesis: that some of these difficulties can arise from the non-native speakers' phonetic perception. We train a computational model of phonetic learning, which has no access to phonology, on either one or two languages. We first show that the model exhibits predictable behaviors on phone-level and word-level discrimination tasks. We then test the model on a spoken word processing task, showing that phonology may not be necessary to explain some of the word processing effects observed in non-native speakers. We run an additional analysis of the model's lexical representation space, showing that the two training languages are not fully separated in that space, similarly to the languages of a bilingual human speaker. 

Before they even speak, infants become attuned to the sounds of the language(s) they hear, processing native phonetic contrasts more easily than nonnative ones. For example, between 6 to 8 mo and 10 to 12 mo, infants learning American English get better at distinguishing English and [l], as in “rock” vs. “lock,” relative to infants learning Japanese. Influential accounts of this early phonetic learning phenomenon initially proposed that infants group sounds into native vowel- and consonant-like phonetic categories—like and [l] in English—through a statistical clustering mechanism dubbed “distributional learning.” The feasibility of this mechanism for learning phonetic categories has been challenged, however. Here, we demonstrate that a distributional learning algorithm operating on naturalistic speech can predict early phonetic learning, as observed in Japanese and American English infants, suggesting that infants might learn through distributional learning after all. We further show, however, that, contrary to the original distributional learning proposal, our model learns units too brief and too fine-grained acoustically to correspond to phonetic categories. This challenges the influential idea that what infants learn are phonetic categories. More broadly, our work introduces a mechanism-driven approach to the study of early phonetic learning, together with a quantitative modeling framework that can handle realistic input. This allows accounts of early phonetic learning to be linked to concrete, systematic predictions regarding infants’ attunement. 

Abstract Early changes in infants’ ability to perceive native and nonnative speech sound contrasts are typically attributed to their developing knowledge of phonetic categories. We critically examine this hypothesis and argue that there is little direct evidence of category knowledge in infancy. We then propose an alternative account in which infants’ perception changes because they are learning a perceptual space that is appropriate to represent speech, without yet carving up that space into phonetic categories. If correct, this new account has substantial implications for understanding early language development. 

In the first year of life, infants' speech perception becomes attuned to the sounds of their native language. Many accounts of this early phonetic learning exist, but computational models predicting the attunement patterns observed in infants from the speech input they hear have been lacking. A recent study presented the first such model, drawing on algorithms proposed for unsupervised learning from naturalistic speech, and tested it on a single phone contrast. Here we study five such algorithms, selected for their potential cognitive relevance. We simulate phonetic learning with each algorithm and perform tests on three phone contrasts from different languages, comparing the results to infants' discrimination patterns. The five models display varying degrees of agreement with empirical observations, showing that our approach can help decide between candidate mechanisms for early phonetic learning, and providing insight into which aspects of the models are critical for capturing infants' perceptual development. 

In acquiring language, differences in input can greatly affect learning outcomes, but which aspects of language learning are most sensitive to input variations, and which are robust, remains debated. A recent modeling study successfully reproduced a phenomenon empirically observed in early phonetic learning---learning about the sounds of the native language in the first year of life---despite using input that differed in quantity and speaker composition from what a typical infant would hear. In this paper, we carry out a direct test of that model's robustness to input variations. We find that, despite what the original result suggested, the learning outcomes are sensitive to properties of the input and that more plausible input leads to a better fit with empirical observations. This has implications for understanding early phonetic learning in infants and underscores the importance of using realistic input in models of language acquisition. 

Recent studies have introduced methods for learning acoustic word embeddings (AWEs)—fixed-size vector representations of words which encode their acoustic features. Despite the widespread use of AWEs in speech processing research, they have only been evaluated quantitatively in their ability to discriminate between whole word tokens. To better understand the applications of AWEs in various downstream tasks and in cognitive modeling, we need to analyze the representation spaces of AWEs. Here we analyze basic properties of AWE spaces learned by a sequence-to-sequence encoder-decoder model in six typologically diverse languages. We first show that these AWEs preserve some information about words’ absolute duration and speaker. At the same time, the representation space of these AWEs is organized such that the distance between words’ embeddings increases with those words’ phonetic dissimilarity. Finally, the AWEs exhibit a word onset bias, similar to patterns reported in various studies on human speech processing and lexical access. We argue this is a promising result and encourage further evaluation of AWEs as a potentially useful tool in cognitive science, which could provide a link between speech processing and lexical memory.